Glottalisation, coda voicing, and phrase position in Australian English

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    Abstract

    Glottalisation is an important cue to coda stop voicelessness, particularly for younger Australian English speakers who utilise glottalisation more than older speakers, suggesting a recent sound change. However, most previous studies of glottalisation in this variety of English have focussed on single word utterances, raising questions about whether glottalisation in those studies may have been prosodically conditioned rather than specific to the coda stop: Could the observed effect have been due to phrase-final creaky voice, which is acoustically similar to coda-related glottalisation? This study therefore explored the differential effects of phrase position on the production of glottalisation. Phrase-medially (where phrase-final creaky voice is not expected to occur), results confirmed previous findings that glottalisation cues coda stop voicelessness and that it does so more frequently for younger compared to older speakers. In phrase-final position, rates of glottalisation increased, but older speakers appeared more similar to younger speakers in use of glottalisation, suggesting that the change towards the increased use of glottalisation may be nearing completion in this prosodic position. Younger speakers appear to represent a more advanced stage of the change extending the use of glottalisation from phrase-final to phrase-medial position.
    Original languageEnglish
    Pages (from-to)3232-3245
    Number of pages14
    JournalJournal of the Acoustical Society of America
    Volume148
    Issue number5
    DOIs
    Publication statusPublished - Nov 2020

    Bibliographical note

    Copyright 2020 Acoustical Society of America. This article may be downloaded for personal use only. Any other use requires prior permission of the author and the Acoustical Society of America. The following article appeared in The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 148:5, 3232-3245 and may be found at https://doi.org/10.1121/10.0002488.

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